CHICAGO TRIBUNE
No Rosemont mob, study says
Village-funded report disputes critics'
accusations
By John Chase and Michael Higgins
Tribune staff reporters
Published September 10, 2004
Despite assertions to the contrary by gambling regulators, the
Illinois attorney general and other critics, Rosemont on
Thursday released a report it commissioned that says the village
and its mayor are not only free of mob influence, but also one
of the few U.S. communities that can make that claim.
The report, which so far has cost the northwest suburb's
taxpayers $65,000, was written by a former FBI agent and signed
off on by two former U.S. attorneys, including Dan Webb, a
prominent criminal defense attorney who prosecuted Donald
Stephens 20 years ago and began working for Rosemont in 2001.
Last spring Rosemont asked Peter Wacks, a private investigator
who used to work for the FBI in organized-crime cases, to
investigate the suburb after assertions were made, including by
Illinois Atty. Gen. Lisa Madigan in March, that Stephens and the
village had connections to organized crime.
The report's release comes as the Illinois Gaming Board staff is
in the process of determining whether the Biloxi, Miss., casino
company Isle of Capri should be allowed to buy the state's only
unused riverboat casino license and build a casino in the
suburb. The license is currently held by bankrupt Emerald
Casino, whose plans to build a casino in Rosemont were scuttled
by the board after it determined that owners lied to regulators
and misled them about having investors with links to organized
crime.
Although the report the village commissioned concludes that
Rosemont is cleaner than most other places, it did not look at
other communities.
"Today, Rosemont is among those few municipalities free of
elements evidencing any indicia of [organized crime] influence,"
the report concluded.
Wacks' report examined a wide range of contacts that Stephens
has purportedly had with organized-crime figures over the years,
beginning with former mob boss Sam Giancana, from whom Stephens
purchased a hotel in 1963.
The report concludes that such contacts were either casual or a
creation of the media.
"Does buying a motel from a known [mob] member make you
connected or associated with him? Does it mean that you are
associating with a known [mob] member?" Wacks asked in the
affidavit. "`No' is the simple answer to these questions."
What's more, the report portrays Stephens as something of a mob
buster and says that after he helped incorporate the suburb near
O'Hare International Airport and became its mayor, he supported
laws that pushed organized crime out of town.
"We keep reading and hearing about what bad people we are, we
thought maybe we'd find out," Stephens said at a downtown news
conference before refusing to answer questions. "I would urge
you to read the report and let's get the facts and stop the
innuendoes."
Wacks submitted the report to Peter Vaira, a former chief of the
U.S. Chicago Organized Crime Strike Force and Webb, who as U.S.
attorney for Chicago in the 1980s prosecuted Stephens twice on
charges of filing false tax returns and public corruption
related to mail fraud. Stephens was found not guilty in both
cases, and in 2001 Rosemont hired Webb, now in private practice,
as part of its efforts to attract a casino to Rosemont.
Wacks, who resigned from the FBI in 1997, based his
investigation almost entirely on a review of public documents.
It did not include any current FBI papers other than those parts
of an administrative hearing aimed at stripping the license from
Emerald, said Rosemont Village Atty. Robert Stephenson.
The biggest accusations the report attempts to blunt include
comments Madigan made tying Rosemont, Stephens and organized
crime, as well as an internal Gaming Board memo in April that
discusses updated information regarding mob influence in
Rosemont.
Wacks' report disputed a Gaming Board memo that said the mayor;
Nick Boscarino, who the board says has ties to the mob; and
William Hogan Jr., a former Teamsters boss, had meetings in
Rosemont in 2002. Boscarino had been charged earlier that year
with ripping the village off as part of an insurance scheme. The
report said Stephens cut ties with Boscarino and noted that the
FBI did not list him as a member of organized crime.
Madigan's office, which wants to resume administrative hearings
aimed at stripping the license from Emerald, which probably
would kill the license sale to Isle of Capri, said, "Upon
resumption of the revocation hearings, these matters will be
resolved in a professional manner." The report raises questions
about how law enforcement determines whether people have mob
connections, noting that some FBI reports are not corroborated
when they are passed along to agencies such as the Gaming Board.
But officials with Madigan's office and the board say their job
is to prevent gambling from having even the appearance of
impropriety.
Although Wacks' report consistently sides with Stephens on a
string of controversial associations, in some cases records
paint a more complicated picture.
For example, Wacks found nothing troubling in Stephens'
relationship with Anthony F. Daddino, a friend of the mayor's
since high school. Wacks said the FBI never considered Daddino
to be a mob associate, but federal prosecutors called him "a
longstanding associate of the Chicago organized crime structure"
in 1990, a year after he was convicted of conspiracy and
attempted extortion for his role in shaking down a pornography
shop owner.
At Daddino's sentencing, a prosecutor said his refusal to
cooperate with the government showed Daddino had "chosen not to
unalterably sever his ties with that organized crime group."
But Stephenson said Thursday that despite that characterization,
Daddino was not an "associate" of organized crime. The term, in
FBI parlance, refers only to people who participate in a
mob-owned business such as a strip club; not to bookies or
extortionists who merely share profits with organized crime,
Stephenson said.
Stephens and other Rosemont officials wrote to a federal judge
on Daddino's behalf in 1989.
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Chicago Tribune